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So Arne Duncan is wrong. The Education Reformers are wrong. The Teach for America robots are wrong. It is simply not true that education is the only way to end poverty. And saying that it is to get more money from the Walton Family for your education reform non-profit is viciously stupid.

Additionally, focusing only on education to reduce or eliminate poverty is extraordinarily cruel. It says right from the start that if you are past the point where more education is practical, your poverty will not end. Sorry moms and dads of the world who are simply not in a position to get a degree: I hope the afterlife treats you better.

This focus is also cruel because it claims that the poverty children face is impossible to remedy for as many as 18-22 years. Sorry poor children of America (which by the way is more than 1 in 5 children): if you play your cards right, maybe you will be out of poverty after you get out of college. With the modern life expectancy at 78 years of age, that’s only 28% of your life that we will force you to live in poverty prior to you having even a chance of getting out of it.

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I got distracted, but I just got back to this article

And this whole segment just is like really making me hate life.

Because I’m thinking about the whole nature of actuary-based economic commentary like this. People cite the broad numbers, but the picture is far more bleak when you started adding intersections. Essentially, any broad sweep number like this (for those who need it spelled out) essentially whitewashes the scenario. 

The truth is race DOES have an impact, and gender DOES have an impact on how economic policy plays out. So does national origin (again, if you need it spelled out, race is not necessarily synonymous with nationality), ethnicity, religious background. And people can try to sweep it under the rug, but it’s there

Of course, this doesn’t take into account we’re talking about people living in poverty, which means we can’t even rely on the 78% number, nor the numbers to which I linked. We have to actually get more specific and look at the numbers (relevant tables pp. 37*, 106-109, but the whole thing is interesting) for people living in poverty

I say this in support of the article, I suppose, but it’s still necessary to be specific when we’re talking about dealing with poverty. Under capitalism, poverty doesn’t just happen. Poverty is a punitive symptom of a larger problem. 

And that’s why we can’t just talk about class without specifying what site of class we’re talking about.**

Which means, ultimately, we can’t talk about rectifying poverty and its human toll without speaking about how so much of our nation’s inability to even broach the subject is based on the traditional presumption on the part of the State (both as a phenomenon and in the specific case of the US) that those who are suffering economically (and therefore in other ways) are racially or culturally undesirable.*** And that notion (hold my hand, those of you having trouble keeping up, I’ll try to make the jump easy), is DIRECTLY related to Imperialist/Colonial thinking. It is that very principle which props up the Capitalism we live under, which in turn manifests itself primarily (though not exclusively) White Supremacy. 

Remember that quote about how America is full of poor people who KNOW they’re secret millionaires? Well, that’s not entirely accurate. What it’s full of is poor WHITE people who KNOW they’re secret Emperors.

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*Note: I’m having trouble locating for specific tables based on income, but the actual report tackles some of the conclusions one can draw by cross-referencing the factors that are covered. That being the case, while “education” level is not inherently reliable as an indicator of income level, it does give a good suggestion when used alongside race and geographic concerns (which are given their own tables). 

**Note: By which I mean, if we’re talking about privilege/power based on economic position, we have to then locate it within other factors. White wealth is different from Latin@ wealth, and [co-]exist with white poverty and Latin@ poverty in different ways. Likewise, Black wealth operates in a different space from Asian wealth (which, as with all these other examples, can further be faceted into South Asian, East Asian, Southeast Asian, Asian Diasporic). The power one gains from wealth and/or economic privilege is not synonymous, no matter what folks would say. There are, obviously, overlapping examples, but that does not change the fact that there are notable differences (off the top of my head, this mess with Forest Whitaker being racially profiled is a clear example of how wealth doesn’t provide the same shield across racial lines).

***Note: To be brief, I’m only going to go to Daniel Patrick Moynihan and his report on urban poverty and resultant family formations among Black Americans and Reagan’s wraith, the “Welfare Queen” which still haunts us some thirty years later, despite numerous debunkings. Oh, and to get really old school and academia on ya, look at John Locke before you say these things and our nation’s (in particular, but not alone) idea of economics isn’t born and bred on racism and disenfranchisement.

(via note-a-bear)

this is just worth reading, period. (also, the other day—because I’m a masochist apparently—I listened to an irritatingly vacuous Catholic podcast about the horrors of gay marriage that had the gall to cite the Moynihan Report, so I’m even happier than usual to see it called out.)

(via hypocritelecteuse)

fuckyeahfeminists:

sinidentidades:

1. While people of color make up about 30 percent of the United States’ population, they account for 60 percent of those imprisoned. The prison population grew by 700 percent from 1970 to 2005, a rate that is outpacing crime and population rates. The incarceration rates disproportionately impact men of color: 1 in every 15 African American men and 1 in every 36 Hispanic men are incarcerated in comparison to 1 in every 106 white men.

2. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, one in three black men can expect to go to prison in their lifetime. Individuals of color have a disproportionate number of encounters with law enforcement, indicating that racial profiling continues to be a problem. A report by the Department of Justice found that blacks and Hispanics were approximately three times more likely to be searched during a traffic stop than white motorists. African Americans were twice as likely to be arrested and almost four times as likely to experience the use of force during encounters with the police.

3. Students of color face harsher punishments in school than their white peers, leading to a higher number of youth of color incarcerated. Black and Hispanic students represent more than 70 percent of those involved in school-related arrests or referrals to law enforcement. Currently, African Americans make up two-fifths and Hispanics one-fifth of confined youth today.

4. According to recent data by the Department of Education, African American students are arrested far more often than their white classmates. The data showed that 96,000 students were arrested and 242,000 referred to law enforcement by schools during the 2009-10 school year. Of those students, black and Hispanic students made up more than 70 percent of arrested or referred students. Harsh school punishments, from suspensions to arrests, have led to high numbers of youth of color coming into contact with the juvenile-justice system and at an earlier age.

5. African American youth have higher rates of juvenile incarceration and are more likely to be sentenced to adult prison. According to the Sentencing Project, even though African American juvenile youth are about 16 percent of the youth population, 37 percent of their cases are moved to criminal court and 58 percent of African American youth are sent to adult prisons.

6. As the number of women incarcerated has increased by 800 percent over the last three decades, women of color have been disproportionately represented. While the number of women incarcerated is relatively low, the racial and ethnic disparities are startling. African American women are three times more likely than white women to be incarcerated, while Hispanic women are 69 percent more likely than white women to be incarcerated.

7. The war on drugs has been waged primarily in communities of color where people of color are more likely to receive higher offenses. According to the Human Rights Watch, people of color are no more likely to use or sell illegal drugs than whites, but they have higher rate of arrests. African Americans comprise 14 percent of regular drug users but are 37 percent of those arrested for drug offenses. From 1980 to 2007 about one in three of the 25.4 million adults arrested for drugs was African American.

8. Once convicted, black offenders receive longer sentences compared to white offenders. The U.S. Sentencing Commission stated that in the federal system black offenders receive sentences that are 10 percent longer than white offenders for the same crimes. The Sentencing Project reports that African Americans are 21 percent more likely to receive mandatory-minimum sentences than white defendants and are 20 percent more like to be sentenced to prison.

9. Voter laws that prohibit people with felony convictions to vote disproportionately impact men of color. An estimated 5.3 million Americans are denied the right to vote based on a past felony conviction. Felony disenfranchisement is exaggerated by racial disparities in the criminal-justice system, ultimately denying 13 percent of African American men the right to vote. Felony-disenfranchisement policies have led to 11 states denying the right to vote to more than 10 percent of their African American population.

10. Studies have shown that people of color face disparities in wage trajectory following release from prison. Evidence shows that spending time in prison affects wage trajectories with a disproportionate impact on black men and women. The results show no evidence of racial divergence in wages prior to incarceration; however, following release from prison, wages grow at a 21 percent slower rate for black former inmates compared to white ex-convicts. A number of states have bans on people with certain convictions working in domestic health-service industries such as nursing, child care, and home health care—areas in which many poor women and women of color are disproportionately concentrated.

the so-called justice system.

“if you can’t do the time don’t do the cr—”

seriously though, this is worth (re-)reading, & worth remembering.

(incidentally, the other day when I was talking about the “sickening feeling when you’re first exposed to your own privilege” & the initial denial that prompts, the example I used was, “like when you learn that the criminal justice system isn’t actually fair whatsoever.” &…yeah. that never stops being depressing.)

(via oxfordcommas)

theshemanboyhatersclub:

“Dominant groups typically show the least tolerance for allowing themselves to feel guilt and shame. Privilege, after all, should exempt one from having to feel such things. This means that, sooner or later, dominant groups experience reminders of their potential for feeling guilt as an affront that infringes on their sense of entitlement to a life unplagued by concern for how their privilege affects other people. The right to deny that privilege exists is an integral part of privilege itself, so men can be quick to complain about being made to feel guilty without actually feeling guilty. I’ve met few men who seem genuinely guilt-stricken over male privilege, just as I rarely meet white people who seem guilt-stricken over racism. Such people exist, but they aren’t the ones who complain so loudly about being made to feel guilty.”

Allan G. Johnson

so relevant

(via wretchedoftheearth)

I was JUST talking about this last night. I think it’s common to have a certain sickening feeling when you’re first exposed to your own privilege, & an initial denial of that reality is hard to avoid. I mean, if you’re a reasonably compassionate person, it’s difficult to accept that you live in a society where injustice still runs rampant.

…but there’s a difference between saying “no! it can’t be!” when you first encounter these issues, & forever denying them because We Have a Black President or Women Have Jobs Now or whatever. needless to say, wayyyyy too many people take the latter option.

(via proudlybigotedmisandrist)

crackerhell:

“If I look up “carrot” in the dictionary, most people will acknowledge I do not know all there is to know about carrots and if I truly want to understand carrots, I should probably pick up a horticultural text book. We know that legal and medical terms are going to be, at best, simplistically represented and know we need to find a lawyer or a doctor if we want to know more. Anyone deciding to base their argument on, say, a philosophical concept or term using the dictionary is going to be laughed at at best, or automatically lose whatever argument they’re trying to make at least.

Yet the minute we move into a social justice framework, the ultimate authority changes. We don’t need lived experience, we don’t need experts who have examined centuries of social disparities and discrimination, we don’t need societal context. We don’t need sociology or history – no, we have THE DICTIONARY! That ultimate tome of oracular insight, the last word on any debate!

It’s patently ridiculous and you can see that by applying it to any other field of knowledge. But the privileged will continually trot out simplistic, twitter-style dictionary definitions as if they are the last word and the ultimate authority. No-one would drag out the dictionary to debate science with a scientist. But they’re more than willing to trot out a dictionary definition of racism over any sociological analysis. A dictionary is not the ultimate authority - they’re a rough guide for you to discover the simple meaning of words you’ve never heard before – not an ultimate definition of what the word means and all its contexts.”

- Sparky at Womanist Musings. (via flowerskss)

thank you lord jesus christ

though i’d honestly love for someone to quote the dictionary on me when i discuss programming

that would amuse me

hard

this is some real truth, right here.

(Source: womanist-musings.com)

"Before we can “do something” for the poor, there are some things we need to stop doing to them."

How the poor are made to pay for their poverty | Barbara Ehrenreich (via sociolab)

this is a great piece. I’m sad to say that I haven’t read a lot of Ehrenreich’s other work, but reading Nickle & Dimed in 2001 was hugely eye-opening for me. I’m glad she’s remained so prolific since then.

(via ibloodbenddicks)